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This book concentrates on ethnic minorities such as former slaves, outcastes and indigenous peoples dispossessed of homeland. These groups are universally without power, usually undereducated, and always victims of their fellow citizens. The book asks why these socially excluded groups remain at the bottom of their social hierarchies as the poorest of the poor, even in nations long committed to equal opportunity.
Their slow progress has four causes: obviously discrimination and poor education, but also low economic growth and cultural heritage. Low growth limits revenues for schools as well as new job opportunities, and perpetuates traditional exploitative social relations and customs. Traumatic histories of enslavement or conquest may induce behaviours by victims that reduce upward mobility. Together these four interacting variables suggest a "mobility model" that explains the impasse. The book develops and applies this model to interpret and compare the mobility history of five stigmatized, low-status ethnic groups: U.S. African Americans, Japan’s Burakumin, Afro-Cubans, India’s Dalits (Untouchables) and Bolivia’s Highland Indians. The book also compares actions by governments and the groups themselves to overcome barriers to progress, including job quotas, boycotts, mass protests, and the unique kangaroo courts of Japan’s Burakumim.
Meerman’s unusual cross-disciplinary approach and fascinating comparative studies of success and failure will appeal to scholars, development practitioners, and advocates working on issues of discrimination, poverty, equity and inequality in an ethnic context.
- Sales Rank: #5408862 in Books
- Published on: 2011-08-18
- Released on: 2011-08-17
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.21" h x .67" w x 6.14" l, 1.04 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 296 pages
About the Author
Jacob Meerman, a Chicago Ph.D. in economics, is a Scholar in Residence at American University, Washington D.C. He has held several academic positions, most recently as visiting professor at the National University of Malaysia. During his quarter century with the World Bank, he carried out a pioneering study of who benefits from government expenditure and has extensive experience in developing projects including the main trunk highway in Bolivia, irrigation in Madagascar, and export crops in Rwanda.
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Why don't low status ethno-racial groups catch up?
By Jacob Meerman
No one has reviewed this book, so I,the author, am. The book concentrates on excluded low-status stigmatized minorities, i.e.former slaves, outcastes, conquered peoples deprived of homeland, etc. These groups are without power, usually undereducated, and always victims of their fellow citizens. The book asks why these groups remain at the bottom of their social hierarchies as the poorest of the poor, even in wealthy democracies long committed to equal opportunity. Four causal factors are mainly at work: obviously discrimination; lack of opportunity in pre-industrial nations; poor education; and traumatic cultural heritage that induces behavior conflicting with minority upward mobility. I spent much effort in cross-disciplinary compilation and analysis of empirical work in sociology, history, law, some psychology and much economics showing how these forces work and interact. On the basis of this work I concluded that the resulting four variable "mobility model" is universally applicable to the planet's entire population of some hundreds of such low-status, stigmatized, ranked, ethno-racial groups (including numerous indigenous peoples in developing countries). The bulk of the book, however,consists of case studies that apply the model to the mobility history of US African-Americans, Cuba's Afro-Cubans, Japan's Burakumin, the Dalits (Untouchables)of India, and Bolivia's highland Indians. The five case studies also compare actions by governments and the minorities themselves to overcome barriers to progress, including mass protests, road blocks, kangaroo courts, litigation, legislation, affirmative action,job quotas, etc. Part of what I find valuable about the book, in this very overgrazed field, is my apparently unique cross-disciplinary approach. It has paid off in much improved analysis. But what I found most valuable was the conclusion that the plight of the socially excluded (as defined in the book)always has similar causes, a finding that I did not expect but was forced to accept. I have aspired to rigorous reasoning throughout but have largely avoided jargon. I have just re-read the book (more than two years after publication) and found it very engrossing. Particularly the case studies.
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